Ordinary Citizens as Peacemakers



Push for Peace Conference, Auckland, 11 November 2004

(Armistice Day)

by Dr Kate Dewes, ONZM

Armistice Day is the birthday of Sonja Davies, one of New Zealand’s pre-eminent peace makers. It was celebrated this year with the inaugural Sonja Davies Peace Award, presented in Government House by the Governor General and Prime Minister, and attended by government ministers, politicians, church and community leaders and many others.

The award went to two Christchurch women who are making a film called ‘Peace People’ which will be shown at the New Zealand Film Festival next year. The film includes interviews with a conscientious objector, a founding member of the New Zealand Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, a Vietnam War and Peace Squadron protestor, a Maori kuia, a Greenpeace activist, a pioneer of the World Court Project, a woman jailed in the US for taking non-violent direct action during the Iraq War, and a peace researcher.

This presentation highlights the role of ordinary citizens as peacemakers. In this country they are a disparate group of individuals and non-government organisations (NGOs) drawn from a wide range of backgrounds and beliefs. They draw strength from the peacemakers of the past, and hope to encourage and inspire future generations through sharing their peace stories.

Armistice Day is rarely marked by peace people or the wider community. This year it has been highlighted with the return of the ‘unknown warrior’. It has been a time for many people to remember family members who did not return from the First World War (such as my great-uncle Frank Ross who died at Passchendaele), and to acknowledge all those who have died and those dying today in wars - especially innocent civilians. It is a day when we are reminded of the urgent task for everyone to learn to work together effectively to create a culture of peace.

Maori peacemakers usually identify, not as NGOs, but as members of the five thousand distinct indigenous cultures worldwide which make up the global indigenous population of 250 million people. Their creative and often spiritually-based solutions to conflicts, arising from land confiscation, resource depletion, environmental degradation and wars, are inspiring and worthy of study and emulation.

In Aotearoa, Maori peacemakers have a long and distinguished history. Among the better known names are Te Whiti o Rongomai, Princess Te Puea, Dame Whina Cooper, Mira Szarzy, Nganeko Minhinnik and Pauline Tangiora to name a few. They have led movements for change based on non-violence, peace and justice. It is a little-known fact that Mahatma Gandhi emulated the non-violent direct actions of Te Whiti and Tohu at Parihaka during the Taranaki Land Wars1. Many indigenous peoples have been inspired by how Maori have sought to secure peaceful settlements of disputes through the Waitangi Tribunal and other mechanisms.

This conference is an opportunity to honour a pre-eminent Maori peacemaker: Rongomaiwahine kuia Mrs Pauline Tangiora, whose outstanding contribution to peacemaking over 30 years is rarely mentioned in the media. With her holistic approach to peace, when she is not overseas she spends her life travelling throughout Aotearoa visiting prisoners and their families as a mediator, and spreading the message of peace in schools, universities, at hui, and in Parliament. She was the President of the Aotearoa branch of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom for many years, and is a life member of the Maori Women’s Welfare League.

Over the last decade in particular, she has been asked by Nobel Peace Laureate Rigoberta Menchu Tum to join her team of eight indigenous leaders in the Initiatives for Peace. She has been asked to mediate in Rio de Janeiro, Chiapas, Colombia, Argentina, Peru and recently between indigenous groups in Bear Mountain USA. In recognition of her peace leadership she has also been on the Earth Council, the World Council of Indigenous Peoples, and is Co-Chair of the World Forum for Fisher Peoples. She speaks at conferences all over the world, and was the UN’s ‘poster girl’ at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in South Africa in 2002.

As within indigenous communities, there is a huge diversity of citizen groups locally, nationally and internationally working cooperatively towards creating a culture of peace and non-violence. Very few of their endeavours are seen as newsworthy, hence few people know of the amazing work being carried out for peace within Aotearoa and in the region. Maybe the ‘Peace People’ film will begin to redress this imbalance.

Aotearoa/New Zealand has a proud history of success stories of peace and disarmament initiatives which continue to have considerable impact regionally and internationally. Some examples follow of peace policies pursued and adopted by the government after education and lobbying by peace people in the local community.

Southern Hemisphere Nuclear Free Zone

In 1963, the New Zealand branch of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) presented the biggest petition (80,238) since the women’s franchise in 1893, calling for a Southern Hemisphere Nuclear Free Zone (SHNFZ) in a campaign with the slogan ‘No Bombs South of the Line’. In an attempt to appease both Western allies and domestic critics, the government reiterated that its security depended on “the deterrent effect arising from the possession of nuclear weapons by our allies”,2 yet affirmed a commitment to a South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone (SPNFZ) - but did nothing to further it. Following intense lobbying of governments by national and regional NGOs, a SPNFZ was signed in Rarotonga by South Pacific leaders in August 1985 and now has 13 signatories. New Zealand continues to work closely with Brazil and Mexico to promote and consolidate a Nuclear Weapon Free Southern Hemisphere and Adjacent Areas ‘zone’.

Taking France to the World Court

France carried out 44 atmospheric nuclear tests at Moruroa and Fangataufa between 1966 and 1974. An outraged New Zealand public, increasingly aware of the health and environmental effects and in solidarity with smaller Pacific Island states, formed coalitions across society and explored several visionary initiatives with the government.

Creative protest action ensured that nuclear testing became an election issue in 1972. Auckland CND launched another petition which amassed 81,475 signatures, and Peace Media organised an international Peace Fleet to sail to the test site. When the French Navy rammed one of the boats, the resultant worldwide publicity and growing international opposition helped embolden the Labour Party to make resolute anti-nuclear election promises. 3

In 1973, New Zealand under new Labour Prime Minister Norman Kirk joined Australia’s new Labor government and took France to the International Court of Justice (ICJ or World Court), seeking an injunction to stop atmospheric testing. The ICJ ruled in favour and asked Australia and New Zealand to make written and oral arguments, which they did.4 It ordered France to refrain from further testing while the case was before it. Kirk immediately announced that a frigate, with a Cabinet Minister on board, would sail to the test site to mobilise world opinion to help persuade France to comply with the ICJ’s order.

Kirk sent cables to leaders of one hundred countries seeking acknowledgment of the ICJ’s decision. He reiterated the importance of the rule of law, especially in relation to security threats to small states. Within a week, he farewelled the frigate Otago on the an official protest voyage to act ‘as a silent accusing witness with the power to bring alive the conscience of the world. 5 France, having refused to appear at the ICJ, defied its order and, following another series of tests in 1974, announced it would test underground in future. When the final judgment came in December 1974, the ICJ did not rule on jurisdiction and admissibility but decided that, as France had unilaterally undertaken to end atmospheric testing, it did not have to make a decision. However, the New Zealand population of less than three million united behind the government’s courageous stand against nuclearism.

South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone

The heady days of the Kirk Labour government were short-lived. Kirk died suddenly in August 1973, before the ICJ’s verdict. However, with his oratory, passion and courage he set a precedent for similar bold actions by Prime Minister David Lange in the 1980s. In response to public pressure Kirk promoted a South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone (SPNFZ) via a UN resolution.

With National’s re-election in 1975 under Robert Muldoon’s conservative leadership, New Zealand foreign policy reverted to a more subservient, pro-ANZUS position. One of Muldoon’s first acts was to mothball the SPNFZ initiative, and to welcome visits by US nuclear powered and armed vessels. During the late 1970s, public anger at Muldoon's defiant promotion of visits by US and UK nuclear warships spilled over into waterborne protests by the Peace Squadron, attracting international media interest.6 People took to the streets demanding a ban, and in 1980 began declaring homes, schools and local councils nuclear free zones. A network of over 300 small neighbourhood peace groups mushroomed around the country. They were not bound by political ideology or a ‘party line’, and took whatever creative action was appropriate for their particular style. Their running costs were minimal as there were few paid staff: most activists worked from home within their local community and took responsibility for lobbying their local politicians. This resulted in widespread public participation, and created a form of accountability in nearly every electorate to which all political parties became extremely sensitive.

Opinion polls reflected the growing awareness in the community. In 1978, 51 per cent of the population supported visits by US nuclear-powered ships with 39 per cent agreeing to the use of US nuclear weapons in New Zealand’s defence. 7 Prior to the 1984 election, only 30 per cent supported visits with a clear majority of 58 per cent opposed,8 and over 66 per cent of the population lived in locally declared nuclear free zones. In all these polls there was a clear gender and age difference, with women and youth strongly opposed to the visits. When three of the four main political parties adopted strong anti-nuclear policies in response to this shift in public opinion, the emerging New Zealand nuclear allergy appeared to have become endemic. 9


Nuclear Free New Zealand

In July 1984, the Labour Opposition introduced a nuclear free New Zealand bill calling for the prohibition of nuclear weapons from its territory. It attracted support from a few courageous National politicians who threatened to cross the floor to vote in support of Labour. Rather than face defeat on such a crucial foreign policy issue, Muldoon dissolved parliament and called a snap election. During the election campaign, the Labour Party pledged to pass nuclear free legislation, promote a South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone and renegotiate the ANZUS Treaty to accommodate this. The policy was seen as a test of democratic process and of New Zealand’s sovereignty.10 It found favour nationwide, and Labour’s landslide victory owed much to the anti-nuclear vote.

For the next few years, the New Zealand government came under intense pressure from Australia and other Western allies, which feared the spread of what they dubbed the ‘Kiwi disease’ to other important states such as Japan, Denmark and the Philippines. Consequently the law was not actually passed until June 1987, nearly two years after the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone was signed.

New Zealanders looked to their new, 40-year old Prime Minister David Lange to promote the anti-nuclear policy globally. Lange was a charismatic, witty orator who spoke with strong moral force and understood the importance of underpinning a potentially fragile policy with the law.11 Moreover, he had earned the peace movement’s respect when he defended activists and Labour politicians in the domestic courts following high-profile Peace Squadron actions against visiting US nuclear-powered, and possibly armed, vessels.

In the ensuing struggle to enact the nuclear free legislation, Aotearoa/New Zealand emerged with a new sense of identity and pride as an independent small state. Despite demotion from US ally to ‘friend’, curtailment of military cooperation under ANZUS, threats to trade with the US and UK, attempts to destabilise the Labour government and diplomatic ostracism from the Western group, the government held firm. Lange was assisted by a massive mobilisation of the peace movement, both in New Zealand and the US.12 Ironically, the sinking in 1985 by French government agents of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior in Auckland Harbour followed by the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion helped strengthen the government’s resolve, and undoubtedly swung the remaining waverers behind it.

A 1986 opinion poll confirmed that 92 per cent now opposed nuclear weapons in New Zealand and 69 per cent opposed warship visits; 92 per cent wanted New Zealand to promote nuclear disarmament through the UN, while 88 per cent supported the promotion of nuclear free zones.13 One explanation for this, as Lange noted about the Rainbow Warrior atrocity, was that “the leaders of the West expressed not a moment’s outrage about terrorism directed by a government against opponents of nuclear deterrence.”14

When the Nuclear Free Act, dubbed the ‘Kiwi Cure’, was finally passed in June 1987, it formally established New Zealand territory and coastal waters as a Nuclear Free Zone, and uniquely banned visits by both nuclear-powered and armed vessels. By the 1987 election, five of the six most significant political parties had adopted the nuclear-free policy. Again, Labour’s re-election could be partially attributed to the success of this policy. Prime Minister Lange acknowledged the importance of the public’s role in maintaining its integrity:

There is no doubt that the anti-nuclear movement is, in New Zealand, a mainstream cause. Successive governments have been helped to be honest or kept honest by the commitment of sincere people who started out as the shock troops to shift the centre of gravity and who remain vigilant as the trustees of what has now become a New Zealand characteristic.15


The Act included provision for an eight-member Public Advisory Committee on Disarmament and Arms Control (PACDAC), as formal ‘trustees’ of the policy. 16 So far, it is the only such body in the world. It has the statutory responsibility to ‘advise the Minister of Foreign Affairs on such aspects of disarmament and arms control matters as it thinks fit; advise the Prime Minister on the implementation of the Act, and to publish from time to time public reports’ in relation to the above. From 1987-90 PACDAC advised government on the formulation of a consistent anti-nuclear policy by scrutinising UN General Assembly voting, reviewing membership of military alliances and agreements, and activities within US spy bases such as the New Zealand node of the Echelon satellite communications interception system at Waihopai. 17

Just before the 1990 general election, political expediency forced the National Opposition to adopt the anti-nuclear policy. During 1992-93 National failed to overturn the policy by amending the Act to allow visits by nuclear-powered warships as the price for a reactivated ANZUS Treaty, and by the mid-1990s anti-nuclearism was firmly entrenched within the New Zealand psyche.



New Zealanders Pioneer the World Court Project

Another initiative which helped cement New Zealand’s anti-nuclear position internationally was the World Court Project which began in Christchurch in 1986. Proposed by retired magistrate Harold Evans and promoted internationally by key New Zealand activists, it sought to obtain an advisory opinion from the ICJ on the legal status of nuclear weapons. Exploiting the improved climate for disarmament initiatives following the end of the Cold War, in May 1992 the World Court Project was given its international launch in Geneva, led by an unprecedented coalition of three leading international citizen organisations: the International Peace Bureau, International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, and the International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms.

Through the mechanism of a resolution in the World Health Assembly in May 1993, support was generated among particularly the 110-nation Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), which sponsored a UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolution later that year requesting an advisory opinion from the ICJ on the question: ‘Is the threat or use of nuclear weapons in any circumstance permitted under international law?’ Heavy intimidation from the NATO nuclear weapon states prevented a vote. However, in 1994, the National New Zealand government, bowing to strong public pressure, broke ranks as the only member of the Western alliance to vote in support of the re-introduced UNGA resolution, which was adopted by a comfortable majority. The resumption of nuclear testing by France in 1995 caused a public outcry in the Pacific, forcing the reluctant Australian government to join New Zealand and other Pacific countries in making strong anti-nuclear presentations at the ICJ Oral Proceedings in November 1995. 18

ICJ Advisory Opinion on Nuclear Weapons

On 8 July 1996, the ICJ delivered a 34-page Advisory Opinion on the UNGA question. In a crucial subparagraph, the Court decided that ‘a threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, and in particular the principles and rules of humanitarian law’. The judges also unanimously agreed that ‘There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control.’

Although the nuclear weapon states have mostly ignored this, it has inspired a stream of subsequent initiatives to secure the abolition of nuclear weapons. Annually since 1996, the UN General Assembly has adopted a resolution calling for the implementation of this obligation by the ‘commencement of multilateral negotiations leading to an early conclusion of a nuclear weapons convention prohibiting the development, production, testing, deployment, stockpiling, transfer, threat or use of nuclear weapons and providing for their elimination The resolution effectively calls for a Nuclear Weapons Convention, an enforceable global treaty containing a plan for the abolition of nuclear weapons similar to the widely acclaimed one for chemical weapons. The European Parliament passed a similar resolution in 1997. A model Convention19 was drafted by citizen group experts including lawyers, scientists, engineers and Alyn Ware, a leading New Zealand peace educator, and presented to the UN General Assembly by Costa Rica as a discussion document. These NGOs worked closely with decision makers, including politicians and UN officials, to ensure that documents such as the model convention and legal arguments about the legality of nuclear weapons, were well-researched, easy to read, and preferably translated into the language of the recipient.



Middle Powers Initiative

As a result of the success of campaigns such as the World Court Project and the Coalition to Ban Landmines in 1998, a group of leading international NGOs formed the Middle Powers Initiative (MPI), which worked closely with ‘middle power’ governments, including New Zealand, to organise meetings between politicians, diplomats and NGOs to strategise on how to implement the ICJ opinion and other disarmament initiatives. MPI organised delegations to visit parliamentarians in capitals of NATO states, Australia and Japan. In order to build on these visits, New Zealand peace educator Alyn Ware developed a Parliamentary Network for Nuclear Disarmament which now has over 320 parliamentarians in 58 countries. PNND recently held a very successful seminar of 50 members in Wellington on Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Nuclear Free Zones. As an indicator of the close working relationship with the New Zealand government, the conference was opened by the Prime Minister and addressed by the Minister for Disarmament and Arms Control.



Non-Governmental Organisations and Government

Over the past 20 years, NGOs have lobbied governments to include women in all levels of decision-making, and to develop closer working relationships with non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Governments and officials have done this by holding regular consultative meetings, establishing the world’s first advisory committee on disarmament, and including NGOs on government delegations to UN and other international meetings. As an indication of this developing relationship, the government appointed NGO representatives on delegations to the 1988 United Nations Special Session on Disarmament, the 2000 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference, as head of delegation to the 2001 UNESCO Ministerial Conference and the author as its government expert 20 on the UN Study on Disarmament and Non-Proliferation Education which was adopted unanimously by the UN General Assembly in 2002. Leading NGOs have also played key roles in assisting draft government reports to the UN and in delivering speeches on behalf of the government, including on behalf of the Prime Minister at the launch of the UN Study.



UN Study on Disarmament and Non Proliferation Education

The UN Study contains 34 far-reaching recommendations which encourage governments to:

The Study also encouraged municipal leaders working with citizen groups, to ‘establish peace cities, as part of the UNESCO Cities for Peace network, through for example, the creation of peace museums, peace parks, websites and the production of booklets on peacemakers and peacemaking’. In July 2002 Christchurch became New Zealand’s largest peace city. The City Council, working closely with local NGOs, has since developed a peace website21, a peace mural, a display in ‘Our City’, and presented awards to peacemakers.

The Canterbury Museum hosted exhibitions on the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima/Nagasaki, and on the life of Mahatma Gandhi. Plans are underway for an exhibition in the museum in 2007 marking the 20th anniversary of New Zealand’s nuclear free legislation and the beginning of the World Court Project. The Central Library is developing a peace collection, and an oral and written peace archive collection is growing in the Macmillan Brown Centre at the University of Canterbury. A peace park featuring a World Peace Bell is also being planned in the Botanic Gardens, along with a Peace Walk marking significant peace sites around the city.

Christchurch’s Mayor Garry Moore is active in the international Mayors for Peace campaign led by the Mayors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Last year he led a delegation to these cities to formalise peace and friendship links. He will attend the 2005 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference in the UN in New York with hundreds of other Mayors for Peace calling for negotiations to begin on a Nuclear Weapons Convention. Plans are underway, as part of the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 2005, to show the photographic exhibition at museums in Auckland, Hawke's Bay, Ashburton, Invercargill, Dunedin and other centres.

In recognition of the work of ordinary citizens as peacemakers, the government has recently announced the establishment of the Disarmament Education UN Implementation Fund. It has 0,000 available annually to help fund salaries and office costs for NGOs and individuals who are implementing recommendations in the UN Study.



Pacific Conflict Transformation Network

Responding to a need in Aotearoa and the Pacific to be able to respond collectively with NGOs and governments before a conflict spirals out of control, a group of academics and conflict prevention practitioners held a hui in Auckland in February 2004. The broad consensus was that it is timely to take a fresh look at alternative forms of dispute resolution incorporating indigenous methods which may be more appropriate for the region. From this meeting a network of indigenous peoples, academics, police, military, politicians, officials and practitioners has been developed throughout the region; and a recent conference called ‘Securing a Peaceful Pacific’ was held at Canterbury University to develop this idea further.

The New Zealand Restorative Justice Network is actively working to strengthen the rule of law in the Pacific. Judge Fred McElrea recently reported on the role of the New Zealand Judiciary in relation to peacekeeping and peacebuilding in the Pacific. The government annually sends one or two District Court Judges to Samoa, the Cook Islands and Vanuatu to sit in their High Courts and supplied a Chief Justice to Niue. Another has been in Fiji developing judicial education programmes for Pacific Island states. Over the last 10 years the government has made Judge McElrea available to visit at least 10 countries as a consultant on restorative justice. He has just helped establish a 37 strong working party to establish Restorative Justice in Tonga. This form of justice strengthens local communities to deal with conflict and promote peace building at the local level. It is also a democratic process and one that makes it hard for corruption to operate.



Conclusions

Very few of these positive peacemaking stories are covered by the media. That is why it is up to citizen groups to encourage the media to promote these exciting initiatives. For example, the Aotearoa/New Zealand Peace Foundation has hosted annual media peace awards for 21 years.

NGOs, civil society and indigenous peoples play distinct and vital roles in offering alternative security options to politicians, diplomats and UN officials. Because they are usually working closely with grassroots groups, they are able to pursue their dreams and visions of what a peaceful world might be like, untainted by the cynicism and real politik which frequently pervades national and international institutions. They also have a role in reminding decision makers that they are the servants of the people with the responsibility to reflect public opinion in their policies and encourage participatory democracy at every level of decision making.

Aotearoa/New Zealand peace NGOs and governments continue to pioneer an exciting model of how to work together effectively to create a culture of peace. This is being emulated internationally as more governments take the risk of including ordinary citizens as advisers on delegations, and on policy in general. There is a growing acceptance that the relationship is symbiotic and beneficial for all, so long as there is mutual respect and understanding for each other’s perspectives and modus operandi.

Prime Minister Helen Clark, a former ‘ordinary peace maker’, frequently acknowledges the importance of working closely with members of citizen movements in order to give politicians the mandate to govern. In an interview with Japan’s leading TV network NHK Hiroshima in July 2000 she said:

The individual world citizen has to play a part. The individual world citizen could be writing to their Prime Minister, their member of Parliament, making it clear that they want their government to be taking a progressive role internationally. The international citizen can join the annual commemoration of what happened at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The individual citizen has power and should use it.

The New Zealand political culture is one in which we have a strong civil society. We have community based organisations across all sectors from charity to environmental, to foreign policy. Certainly the government I lead … works very, very closely with such organisations. That is our history, our tradition, our culture.



1 Dick Scott, Ask that Mountain: The Story of Parihaka, Southern Cross, Auckland 1975.
2 Christchurch Press, 10 August 1962 cited in Elsie Locke, 1992, Peace People (Hazard Press, Christchurch), p. 180.
3 Locke, (1992), pp. 286-296; Kevin Clements, 1988, Back from the Brink: The Creation of a Nuclear-free New Zealand (Allen and Unwin, Wellington), pp. 49-87; Elsa Caron, (ed.) 1974, Fri Alert (Caveman Press, Dunedin).
4 Stephen Kos, 1984, ‘Interim Relief in the International Court: New Zealand and the Nuclear Test Cases’, Victoria University Wellington Law Review, No 14. pp 357-387.
5 Text of Prime Minister’s Official Farewell to the frigate Otago, Devonport Naval Base, 28 June 1973.
6 See Tom Newnham, 1986, Peace Squadron: The sharp end of nuclear protest in New Zealand, Auckland.
7 Stephen Levine & Paul Spoonley, 1979, Waging Peace: A study of public and parliamentary attitudes towards peace and security issues (New Zealand Foundation for Peace Studies, Auckland), 84pp; Lawrence Jones, ‘Cracks in the Consensus: Shifting attitudes to New Zealand Defence’, in Roderic Alley (ed), 1984, Alternatives to ANZUS, Vol II (NZ Foundation for Peace Studies), pp. 35-50; John Henderson, Keith Jackson, Richard Kennaway, 1980, Beyond New Zealand: the Foreign Policy of a Small State (Methuen, Auckland), sections I (pp. 2-9), II (pp.20-27), III (pp.38-67), V (pp. 106-116),VII (pp. 212-215, 242- 259).
8 NZ Herald, “N-armed warships ‘strongly opposed’”, The Press, 6 October 1984
9 See Robert E. White, ‘Nuclear-free New Zealand 1984 - New Zealand Becomes Nuclear- Free’, Working Papers, Centre for Peace Studies, Auckland University, No 7, pp 1-20; Robert E. White (ed.), ‘A Celebration - 10 Years of Nuclear-free Legislation’, Occasional Papers, Centre for Peace Studies, University of Auckland, No. 6.
10 Margaret Wilson, 1989, Labour in Government 1984-1987 (Allen and Unwin, Wellington), pp. 55-67; 1984 Policy Document, New Zealand Labour Party, Wellington 1984, p.50 cited in P. Landais-Stamp, and P. Rogers, 1989, Rocking the Boat: New Zealand, the United States and the Nuclear-free Zone Controversy in the 1980s (Berg, Oxford), p. 64, footnote 11; David Lange, 1984, ‘Trade and Foreign Policy: A Labour Perspective’, New Zealand International Review (NZIR), Sept/Oct, Vol. IX, No. 5, pp. 2-4.
11 David Lange, 1987, ‘Facing critical choices’, NZIR, vol. XII, no. 4, July/August, p. 3.
12 Henderson, etc., 1991, p. 214. David Lange, 1990, Nuclear Free -The New Zealand Way (Penguin Books, Auckland).
13 Defence and Security : What New Zealanders Want: Report of the Defence Committee of Enquiry, Government Printer, Wellington, 1986; Annex to the Report of the Defence Committee of Enquiry: Public Opinion Poll on Defence and Security: What New Zealanders Want, National Research Bureau, Government Printer, Wellington, 1986.
14 Lange, 1990, p.122.
15 Statement prepared by David Lange for Moana Cole’s Court case at Syracuse, New York, 14 May 1991.
16 The author was a member from 1987-90, was reappointed in 2000 and again in 2003.
17 Katie Boanas-Dewes, 1993, ‘Participatory Democracy in Peace and Security Decision-Making: the Aotearoa/New Zealand Experience, Interdisciplinary Peace Research, vol. 5, no. 2.
18 Catherine (Kate) Dewes, 1998, ‘The World Court Project: The Evolution and Impact of an Effective Citizens’ Movement’, unpublished PhD dissertation, held at the University of Canterbury, Christchurch. See also www.disarmsecure.contentactivator.evanta.co.nz for papers on the WCP and links to websites featuring the full World Court Advisory Opinion. See also Kate Dewes and Robert Green, Aotearoa/New Zealand at the World Court, Raven Press, Christchurch, 1999.
19 Alyn Ware and Merav Datan, Security and Survival: The Case for a Nuclear Weapons Convention, IPPNW, Cambridge, USA, 1999. Available on www.ippnw.org
20 The author was the New Zealand government expert on the UN Study. It can be found at http://disarmament.un.org/education
21 http://www.ccc.govt.nz/christchurch/peacecity/